Tag Archives: Patriotism

Competition, Cooperation, and Health Care

Maybe it’s the days of endless government shutdown. Maybe it’s the days of endless rain.

Writing about any of it comes hard to me. I am uncharacteristically quiet and reflective.

We live in a society built on competition. The economic system creates wealth and rations scarce resources through competition. Democracy is a competition for the support of voters. And, no society is more sports-minded than we are, with giant arenas and stadiums for a variety of sports, each with millions of followers.

However, all of this competition occurs in the context of a society. A society implies certain shared values, a modicum of cooperation, and concern for other members of the society, if not for their own sakes, then for the sake of the society.

Consequently, a competitive society is one with built-in contradictions. At the extreme, economic competition results in great wealth, poorly distributed, and concentrated in the hands of the few. At the extreme, political competition, like sports competition, requires that victory trumps all ethical considerations, including the needs of the society or sport.

On the other extreme, a completely cooperative society, devoid of competition, sharing things equally, is unlikely to thrive. As our conservative friends point out, the incentives for wealth creation and technological progress based on expenditure are likely to be lacking. In addition, there will be free riders, people who wish to partake without producing.

The political and social pendulum in the United States often swings between competition and cooperation, between liberty and equality. At this point in time, it seems to me that we have swung a bit too far toward competition. We have a Congress that cares more about the next election and scoring political points than public policy; we have a Speaker, who should know better, but is more concerned about the challenge to his leadership than the American economy.

Behind it all are two ideologies that seem singularly unconcerned about any impact, other than how a position is measured against the yardstick of a belief system, a non-religious libertarianism allied with a particularly narrow version of Christianity, aligned together in opposition to government initiatives, despite their obvious contradictions. It is a characteristic of ideology and utopia, as Karl Mannheim called the narrow beliefs of the present and the future, that purity of belief surpasses any human need.
ideology and utopia

Combining these strong ideological commitments with the political system results in the political impasse we are experiencing. Closed belief systems can rationalize economic collapse as a necessary, ultimate good, so compromise is not only unnecessary from that perspective, but traitorous. As Eric Hoffer put it,

It is the true believer’s ability to “shut his eyes and stop his ears” to facts that do not deserve to be either seen or heard which is the source of his unequaled fortitude and constancy. He cannot be frightened by danger nor disheartened by obstacle nor baffled by contradictions because he denies their existence

So, the campaign against the program of our current President can pivot from health care to spending to entitlements, but is consistently against the President and his positions. When the economic consequences of the shutdown and the debt limit crisis are tallied, they will say, “See, we told you that the Affordable Care Act would destroy the economy.”

Politicians of all wings, parties and beliefs routinely employ spin–stretching the truth to make their points; however, at some point the distance from the truth is sufficient to call “spin” an outright falsehood. An example, in health care, was the charge that Obamacare mandated “death panels.” (Physicians routinely discuss end-of-life issues with their patients. The proposal was that they be reimbursed for the time so spent.)

As Mark Twain put it, “A lie can travel half way around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes.”

When confronted with an obvious falsehood or exaggeration, the honest person faces a dilemma: does the speaker/writer truly believe what is written, or is that person cynically exploiting the ignorance of others?

Here are some of the arguments about the Affordable Care Act that have been dragged into debate about fiscal policy, the Federal budget, and the US statutory debt limit.

  1. Congress has exempted itself from Obamacare.
    The fact is that Congressional employees will be shopping for health care on the exchanges rather than receiving employer-provided health care as would most businesses with a comparable number of employees. As employees, they will receive an employer contribution that reduces the monthly premium cost.
  2. Large enterprises have been made exempt from the mandate to provide coverage so individuals should be exempt as well.
    Large enterprises are still required to provide health insurance coverage for their employees as scheduled; however the Justice Department will not be imposing penalties immediately. Furthermore, the individual mandate is an entirely separate issue–it is the linchpin of eliminating denial of coverage for pre-existing conditions. Without it, no one would buy health insurance until they needed it, with the assurance that their health condition could not be denied.
  3. Health insurance premiums are going up because of Obamacare.
    With the exception of the past 3 years, health insurance premiums have been rising by double digit percentages each year. The rise slowed because of the deep recession we are emerging from. Health insurance premiums will continue to rise, largely driven by technology (MRIs are expensive), now that the recession is almost over. Furthermore, premiums may seem very high to individuals who have not been able to or been interested in purchasing insurance until now. Health insurance is expensive.
  4. Companies are letting full-time workers go and hiring part-time workers in their place.
    1. Many individuals choose part-time employment over full-time employment. So, the only concern should be involuntary part-time employment rather than all part-timers.
    2. There has generally been a rise in part-time employment during economic recessions. The recent recession is no different.
    3. Many new jobs are coming into the economy to help with Obamacare, as well as new hires in the private sector to meet the needs of the health care law mandates for preventive care and individual coverage.
    4. [It should be noted that individuals concerned about employment issues would never close the Federal government or permit it to be closed, since the loss of spending by Federal workers ripples through the labor market as business owners determine whether to take on new hires, and the lack of Federal issuance of permits in several areas e.g. a Vermont micro-brewery, adversely impacts employment.]

    And as I was reflecting upon the original conundrum, how to reconcile cooperation and competition, liberty and equality, while retaining the best of both, I came across a quotation from Milan Kundera,

    kundera

    “Too much faith is the worst ally. When you believe in something literally, through your faith you’ll turn it into something absurd. One who is a genuine adherent, if you like, of some political outlook, never takes its sophistries seriously, but only its practical aims, which are concealed beneath these sophistries. Political rhetoric and sophistries do not exist, after all, in order that they be believed; rather, they have to serve as a common and agreed upon alibi. Foolish people who take them in earnest sooner or later discover inconsistencies in them, begin to protest, and finish finally and infamously as heretics and apostates. No, too much faith never brings anything good…”

    The Roman playwright Terence wrote “Ne quid nimis,” alternatively translated as “Nothing in excess,” or “All things in moderation.”
    Terence

    Moderation isn’t sexy or attractive. It doesn’t cause the adrenaline rush of ideological combat. But, I think it is the medicine we need now.

    Moderation in politics, moderation in spending, moderation in punditry. Here’s to moderation!!

Herd Immunity — How vaccines avoid thinning the herd

Part of the difficulty in making a case for universal vaccination against dangerous disease is a lack of understanding of probability. Since there are few certainties in life, except its eventual end for individuals, we are constantly calculating probabilities. What is the probability that I will get to the other side of the street before that oncoming car arrives? What is the probability that the wheel stop on my number or that I will draw the card needed to complete my hand? What is the probability that the game I am going to attend will occur or get rained out? And, of course, what is the probability that the suggested intervention will cure my disease rather than kill me or leave me permanently debilitated?

Some probabilities are more difficult to calculate than others: what are the odds that I will die from prostate cancer, and what are the odds that the operation will leave me impotent? how do I calculate the best course when my choices are an operation with an 80 percent success rate that leaves another 15 percent paraplegic and 5 percent dead? How about the same operation with 93 percent success, 5 percent paraplegic, and 2 percent dead?

The more complex the alternatives, particularly when they are being balanced against complex outcomes from non-intervention, the more difficult it is for us to make a rational decision.

That leads to a discussion of vaccination. Let’s consider a disease such as smallpox, which has killed 100s of millions of people. Not everyone got smallpox. Not everyone who got smallpox died from it–estimates are that about 30 percent, or 3 out of every 10 died. Now, consider that not everyone who gets a vaccination gets 100 percent immunity. Some people get partial immunity. Some very small percentage may not produce antibodies in reaction to the vaccine. Some people actually die of the side effects of the vaccination.

As an individual, you might think, well, it’s not great but 70 percent odds of surviving are better than none, and maybe it will miss me altogether, so why should I vaccinate? Of course, smallpox has been eradicated, and we don’t have to make that kind of determination any more since the dangers of side effects from the vaccination exceed the danger of contracting smallpox, particularly in the United States where the last documented case appeared in 1949.

If you were a free individual, not part of a society, not part of the possible transmission stream of a disease, then no one is likely to care too much what you decide? However, if you are reading this, you are part of a society providing this message to you via a societal mechanism. As part of that society, you have obligations to others in the society, including children, yours and others, who once were considered private property but are now considered individuals with rights, albeit limited compared to adult rights.

The concept of “herd immunity” goes directly to the questions posed and to your obligations within the society.

Herd Immunity Concept

Those who are vaccinated provide a barrier to illness for those who are not:

Consider:

Assume you have 5 friends who do not know one another, and that everyone has 5 such friends.

Assume that vaccinations give almost 100% immunity and that the corresponding disease gives almost 100% probability of infection if you come in contact with a person who has it.

Now, if 80 percent of people are immunized against the disease, it is quite possible that one of your friends is not immunized. However, if 80 percent of that person’s friends are immunized, there is now only 1/5 times 1/5 or 1/25 = 4 percent chance of the disease vector reaching you. It may be that you friend’s friend has friends with 100 percent immunity, all five of them immunized, and the further you are socially from the source of infection, the lower your odds of becoming infected–even if you are not immunized. You are protected by herd immunity.

However, consider if only 60 percent of people are immunized, then 2/5 times 2/5 is 4/25 or 16 percent chance of becoming infected. That is 4 times your chance of infection from a secondary friend, as in the first example. The degree of herd immunity is a complicated calculation depending upon the percent immunized and the way the disease is transmitted. Your chance of infection depends on those factors as well as your social distance from the source of the infection.

For an animated look at the concept, click on “Play Animation” in the three scenarios of The History of Vaccines: Herd Immunity.

Here are the thresholds for different diseases as estimated by the Centers for Disease Control (CDC):

Herd Immunity Thresholds CDC

Think about flu shots for a moment:

  1. The vaccine is based upon recent mutations of the virus, so you might catch a virus that is not part of the vaccine.
  2. Not everyone gets 100 percent protection from a vaccine–it may be sufficient to protect against some strains and give partial protection against others
  3. In part, because of herd immunity, not everyone exposed to influenza is infected

So, we have friends and relatives drawing the wrong conclusions (e.g. the vaccine caused me to get influenza), based on an association of factors that are coincidental or subject to an alternative explanation, such as a new strain or partial immunity. For most young people, the flu is an occasional inconvenience rather than life-threatening; however, their failure to vaccinate exposes others whom they could be protecting by a simple annual injection. Let’s spread the word–it might not save those young individuals–just an older person, or an asthmatic standing close to them.

Patriotism and Healthcare

The furthest left button on my car radio is tuned to C-SPAN radio. It could easily be tuned to National Public Radio if I lived elsewhere.

As I have long been curious about public policy issues, it is a matter of course for me to see what is playing when I start my car engine.

On Wednesday July 24, I heard an interview with Jim McDermott on the implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) or Obamacare.

Jim McDermott is a partisan Democrat, who has represented the Seventh District of Washington since 1989. He mixes it up with the Republicans on numerous occasions, actively participating in the partisan back and forth that is national politics in the US. Part of his presentation that day were partisan talking points that we are accustomed to hearing from public office holders of both major parties.

Something else caught my attention. McDermott pointed to a change in our view of the obligations of citizens to the Republic and to our society. Since the end of the military draft, wars have been fought with minimal inconvenience to the civilian population, engendering an atomistic individualism, all of us isolated and alone sharing a space and looking out for ourselves.

Here is how he put it at the 8:48 minute mark of C-Span’s National Journal on July 24,2013:

It’s a much larger problem than just healthcare. When we ended the draft in 1975, we said to all young people in this country you have no responsibility for your country. You are an individual. You can live in any way you want. You don’t owe anything to your country. So we raised a whole generation, actually two generations of people who do not see themselves as responsible for their neighbor. We have young people who figure if I get hurt, if I am on my motorcycle and get into an accident, they will take me down to the emergency room, they’ll patch me up. I will not have money to pay for it, but somebody will pay for it and everybody in society who has health insurance is paying an extra $1000 a year for these kids who refuse to anticipate that something might happen to them. Young people get cancer, young people have skiing accidents, young people have all kinds of problems and they just act as though somebody else will take care of it. That’s not right. Part of the bill says you have the responsibility to pay for the possibility that you may be . . . “We require them with automobiles. We do not let people drive without auto insurance. It’s not your problem because someone else will pay for it. We say you have to have auto insurance.

Were it not for the partisan wrangling on Capitol Hill, are these not conservative values of individual responsibility and citizenship that all but the most ideological acolyte of Ayn Rand could agree to?

Plato addressed similar questions in his dialogue: Crito. Socrates had been condemned to death. His friend Crito attempted to convince him to flee into exile rather than accept that penalty. As part of a lengthy discourse about law and society, Socrates responded by imagining an argument with laws of the society:

Then the laws will say: ‘Consider, Socrates, if we are speaking truly that in your present attempt you are going to do us an injury. For, having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good which we had to give, we further proclaim to any Athenian by the liberty which we allow him, that if he does not like us when he has become of age and has seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where he pleases and take his goods with him. None of us laws will forbid him or interfere with him. Any one who does not like us and the city, and who wants to emigrate to a colony or to any other city, may go where he likes, retaining his property. But he who has experience of the manner in which we order justice and administer the state, and still remains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice wrong: first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents; secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands are unjust; and we do not rudely impose them, but give him the alternative of obeying or convincing us;–that is what we offer, and he does neither.

In order to uphold his agreement with his society, Socrates chose to accept its death sentence rather than flee. We are not faced with such stark choices in 21st Century America. We have on occasion leaders and laws preferred by others, but we agree in our democratic contract to accept them, so long as we retain the right to speak out against them and to elect different representatives on a regular basis. Such is our obligation to respect Obamacare, which is the law of the land.

We do not have to go out on a battlefield shouldering a weapon to be patriotic. We do not even need a war or an enemy or an adversary to be patriotic. It can be sufficiently patriotic to respect the laws, particularly those that assign us social responsibility, for like Socrates, we have accepted all the bounty of this society, and it would demean us not to accept the accompanying responsibilities.